Thursday, March 31, 2016

“Nebuchednezzar” of the Book of Daniel




Damien F. Mackey




The Book of Daniel is charged with all sorts of historical inaccuracies, a fault more likely of the perceived history rather than of the Book of Daniel itself. Admittedly, some of the things that the author of Daniel attributes to “King Nebuchednezzar” appear to be better suited to Nabonidus, the supposed last king of the Babylonian (Chaldean) empire. Yet there might be a good reason why this is the case. In very many ways, it seems, King Nabonidus reflects the “Nebuchednezzar” of the Book of Daniel.






Reading once again Paul-Alain Beaulieu’s book, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon, 556-539 B.C. (1989), I noticed various “Nebuchednezzar” characteristics in King Nabonidus.

Not least was the fact that, Nabonidus had, like “Nebuchednezzar”, a son named “Belshazzar”.

There was also a seeming tendency on Nabonidus’s part towards a kind of monotheism - revering Sîn, the El of the Aramaeans - and a seeming rejection of the national god, Marduk. Coupled with this was, not unnaturally, a discomfort with the Babylonian clergy and wise men.

Nabonidus, like king Nebuchednezzar II, had conquered Cilicia. We read about this at: ku’ ĭ (קְוֵ֕ה). An ancient name for E Cilicia (Rom.: Cilicia Pedias), in SE Asia Minor. …. A document of Nebuchadnezzar II (dated between 595 and 570 b.c.), mentions the land of Hu-m-e, pronounced Khuwe or Khwe. It also occurs in the Istanbul Stele of Nabonidus”.

One also encounters many cases of Nabonidus’s recounting his own dreams.

I found so many similarities beginning to loom that I eventually came to the conclusion that Nabonidus probably was king Nebuchednezzar (or Nebuchedrezzar) II ‘the Great’ - that what we have recorded of Nabonidus simply represents the first phase of the long reign of Nebuchednezzar II.

This revised view will necessitate that I now modify some of my previous articles on this era.

Admittedly, there appear to be some immediate problems with this unexpected new scenario. For one, there is Nabonidus’s own obvious reverence for a past king, “Nebuchednezzar”. However, my revision might be able to account for that:




As is apparent from Beaulieu, Nabonidus considered himself to be the successor of the great Assyrian empire – a viewpoint that would have more clout perhaps if he had ruled closer to that period (c. 605 BC) than Nabonidus is conventionally considered to have done (c. 556 BC).

Then there is Nabonidus’s strange disappearance to Teima (Tayma) in Arabia for ten years. During some of this time he was ill. It is due to this situation that scholars think that the Book of Daniel has confused Nebuchednezzar with Nabonidus. Indeed a Dead Sea Scrolls fragment tells of a protracted illness suffered by Nabonidus. We shall read about this in the next section. 


The Madness of Nabonidus


Nabonidus (Akkadian Nabû-nāʾid) ….

Although his background is uncertain, his mother may have been a priestess of the moon god Sîn to whom Nabonidus was unusually devoted. He took the throne after the assassination of the boy-king Labashi-Marduk. It is not clear whether Nabonidus played a role in Labashi-Marduk's death.

As king, Nabonidus was maligned by the priests of the chief Babylonian deity Marduk. It is believed this was caused by Nabonidus overt devotion to Sîn and his lack of attention to the city's important New Year's festival. During several years of his kingship, Nabonidus was absent at the Arabian oasis of Tayma. During this period his son Belshazzar reigned in his place. The reasons for his long absence remain a matter of controversy, with theories ranging from illness, to madness, to an interest in religious archaeology.


In his own inscriptions, Nabonidus himself makes no claim to known royal origins … although he refers to his otherwise unknown father, Nabu-balatsu-iqbi, as "wise prince." His mother was connected to the temple of the moon god Sîn in Harran, but her ancestry, too, is unknown. The fact that Nabonidus makes repeated references to Ashurbanipal, the last great Neo-Assyrian king, has been cited as evidence that he may have been of Assyrian origin. However Nabonidus' Persian successor, Cyrus the Great, also referred to Ashurbanipal, so this is hardly conclusive evidence.

In most ancient accounts, Nabonidus is depicted as a royal anomaly. He worshiped the moon god Sîn (mythology) beyond all the other gods, and paid special devotion to Sîn's temple in Harran, where his mother was a priestess. After successful campaigns in Edom and Cilicia (modern Turkey) early in his reign, he left Babylon, residing at the rich desert oasis of Tayma, (Temâ) in Arabia, returning only after many years. In the meantime, his son Belshazzar ruled from Babylon.

Nabonidus is harshly criticized for neglecting the Babylonian chief god, Marduk and failing to observe the New Year festivals in Babylon. The Nabonidus Chronicle complains that for several years: "The king did not come to Babylon for the [New Year's] ceremonies… the image of the god Bêl (Marduk) did not go out of the Esagila (temple) in procession, the festival of the New Year was omitted."


Nabonidus' stay in Tayma


Why Nabonidus stayed in Tayma for so long is a matter of uncertainty. He seems to have become interested in the place during his campaign against Edom. Tayma was an important oasis, from which lucrative Arabian trade routes could be controlled.

However, why Nabonidus stayed for so long—about ten years, from circa 553-543—remains a mystery. One theory is that he was not comfortable in Babylon, which was the center of Marduk worship, where he was expected to perform public rites centering on Marduk's cult during the annual New Year's festival. On the fifth day of the festival, the king was required to submit himself to Marduk in the person of the high priest, who would temporarily strip him of his crown and royal insignia, returning them only after the king prayed for forgiveness and received a hard slap in the face from the priest. Moreover, on the eighth day, the king had to implore all the gods to support and honor Marduk, an act which may have been unacceptable to Nabonidus if he was devoted to Sin as supreme. Some have suggested that Tayma was attractive to Nabonidus as an archaeological site, where he might find sacred inscriptions or prophecies related to his own spiritual quest.


[My comment]: But it may also have been due to his sickness and madness.

This is where newworldencyclopedia introduces that Dead Sea Scrolls document:


Another possibility is that the king had become seriously ill and went to the oasis of Tayma to recover. In the Dead Sea Scrolls, a fragment known as the Prayer of Nabonidus relates that Nabonidus suffered from an ulcer, causing him to retreat from civilization and stay in Tayma until he was healed by a Jewish exorcist after praying to the Hebrew God:

I, Nabonidus, was afflicted with an evil ulcer for seven years, and far from men I was driven, until I prayed to the most high God. And an exorcist pardoned my sins. He was a Jew from among the children of the exile of Judah… During my stay at Tayma, I prayed to the gods of silver and gold, bronze and iron, wood, stone and lime, because I thought and considered them gods….

This legend may explain a confusing issue in the Book of Daniel, in which the king in question is called Nebuchadnezzar. However, this Nebuchadnezzar's son is named Belshazzar, which was in fact the name of Nabonidus' son, who reigned in his stead while Nabonidus was at Tayma. It may thus be the case that the Book of Daniel confuses Nabonidus with Nebuchadnezzar. However, Daniel describes its king's disease as a type of madness, rather than an ulcer, saying: "He was driven away from people and ate grass like cattle. His body was drenched with the dew of heaven until his hair grew like the feathers of an eagle and his nails like the claws of a bird" (Daniel 4:33).


Although Nabonidus' personal preference for Sîn is clear, scholars are divided regarding the degree of his supposed monotheism. In the Nabonidus cylinder currently displayed at the British Museum, the king refers to the moon god as "Sîn, king of the gods of heaven and the netherworld, without whom no city or country can be founded." Some claim that it is obvious from his inscriptions that he became almost henotheistic, considering Sîn as the national god of Babylon superior even to Marduk.

Others, however, insist that Nabonidus, while personally devoted to Sîn, respected the other cults in his kingdom, pointing out that he supported construction works to their temples and did not suppress their worship. …. In this theory, his negative image is due mainly to his long absence from Babylon during his stay in Tayma, during which the important, Marduk-centered New Year festival could not take place, a fact which deeply offended the priests of Marduk. These priests, who were highly literate, left records denigrating the king in a fashion similar to the priests of Jerusalem denigrating the Israelite kings who did not properly honor Yahweh in the Hebrew Bible. In fact, there is no sign of the civil unrest during Nabonidus' reign, not even during his absence, and he was able to return to his throne and assert his authority with no apparent problem.

However, Nabonidus did remove important cultic statues and their attendants from southern Mesopotamia and brought them to Babylon. ….

[End of quote]



“… within the canonical book of Daniel, Daniel 4 is widely agreed to be originally a Nabonidus story”.



Carol A. Newsom has discerned some intriguing parallels between Daniel’s “Nebuchednezzar” and King Nabonidus ((WHY NABONIDUS? EXCAVATING TRADITIONS FROM QUMRAN, THE HEBREW BIBLE, AND NEO-BABYLONIAN SOURCES. Emphasis added):


One of the most fruitful places for examining the transmission of traditions and the production of texts is surely the literature associated with the figure of Daniel. Even before the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, scholars explored the differences between the versions of Daniel found in the Masoretic Text of Daniel and the Septuagint, with its additional narratives and poems, as well as the different version of Daniel 4–6 in the Old Greek manuscripts. The Qumran finds showed that there was an even more extensive Danielic literature, with two compositions featuring Daniel making historical and eschatological predictions in a court setting (4Q243–244, 4Q245), and two compositions

using language or motifs similar to those of Daniel 2 and 7 (4Q246, 4Q552–553).1 The longstanding suspicion of scholars that Daniel 4 was originally a narrative about Nabonidus received additional support from the discovery of 4Q242 Prayer of Nabonidus. ….

These texts are evidence both for the complexity of the Danielic tradition and the creativity of its authors, as they appropriated and recycled [sic] useful elements, combining them with usable bits and pieces from other literary and oral traditions in order to produce new compositions. Nowhere are we better positioned to examine this process than with the texts that were originally associated with Nabonidus, for in addition to the Jewish narratives, we also have an extensive neo-Babylonian literature, including both Nabonidus’ own self-presentation in his inscriptions and literary representations of Nabonidus by his enemies. …. Although this material has been intensively studied, recent research on the historical Nabonidus may shed additional light on the composition and development of the Jewish Nabonidus literature. In addition, two questions have not heretofore received sufficient attention. First, to the extent that one can peer through the Jewish Nabonidus texts to the early stages of their composition, what can one say about the motivation for their composition and their possible function as social rhetoric? Second, since important comparative material exists, is it possible to develop a model that suggests how the authors of this literature actually produced new stories from their source material?


The Corpus of Jewish Nabonidus Literature


One of the initial issues to be explored is the extent of Jewish Nabonidus literature. The Prayer of Nabonidus is the one text explicitly identified with him. But within the canonical book of Daniel, Daniel 4 is widely agreed to be originally a Nabonidus story. …. To this one can add Daniel 5, since it is a story about Nabonidus’ son Belshazzar. It has also been suggested that other compositions of the Daniel cycle may have originated as stories about Nabonidus, notably Daniel 3. Although the details of the narrative do not correspond to anything actually done by either Nebuchadnezzar or Nabonidus, the erecting of a strange image and requiring worship of it may well preserve a parodic echo of Nabonidus’ notorious championing of the moon god Sin. …. Indeed, two of his most controversial actions were the installation of a new and non-traditional cult statue of the moon god in Sin’s temple in Harran and his attempt to persuade the priests of Marduk that the Esagil temple in Babylon actually belonged to the moon god, because of the iconography of the lunar crescent found there. …. In addition, Paul-Alain Beaulieu has recently argued that the motif of the fiery furnace in Daniel 3 is actually derived from a literary topos that was part of the Neo-Babylonian school curriculum. Together, these elements strongly suggest that the basic structure of the narrative may go back to the sixth century. ….

The case for Daniel 2 as originally a Nabonidus narrative is weaker but not without plausibility. Of the Neo-Babylonian kings only Nabonidus had an interest in ominous and revelatory dreams or recorded them in his inscriptions. …. Dreams, however, are not uncommon elements in Israelite and early Jewish storytelling, as the notable parallel of Pharaoh’s dream in Genesis 41 demonstrates. Still, it is not the fact of the dream but the role it plays in the narrative of Daniel 2 that is suggestive. The narrative is dated to “the second year” of the king’s reign, and it is thus quite likely that the king’s distress at the ominous dream is intended to suggest anxiety as to the security of his reign. In Daniel, of course, the dream and its interpretation are a Hellenistic era composition [sic], since they contain references to a sequence of kingdoms, ending with that of the Greeks (vv. 36–44). Some scholars have suggested, however, that this particular dream or elements of it are secondary, since its eschatological orientation contrasts quite sharply with the way in which the narratives in Daniel 1–6 in general tend to accommodate to gentile power by representing the kings as recognizing the power of the Judean god. …. While any argument about an earlier version of Daniel 2 must be speculative, it is the case that Nabonidus, a usurper who was not part of the dynastic family, was anxious about the legitimacy of his kingship. In an inscription composed during his first regnal year, Nabonidus himself reports an ominous dream he had concerning the conjunction of the moon (Sin) and the great star (Marduk). A “young man” in the dream tells him that “the conjunction does not involve evil portents.” …. Nabonidus goes on to report that in the dream Marduk “called him by name.” The similarity to Daniel 2, which concerns an ominous royal dream interpreted by a young man in an agreeable fashion, is thus quite intriguing.


[End of quote]


Part Two (i):

A Superstitious and ‘Unjust King’



“Let his heart be changed from man's, and let a beast's heart be given unto him; and let seven times pass over him. This matter [is] by the decree of the watchers, and the demand by the word of the Holy Ones: to the intent that the living may know that The Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever He will, and setteth up over it the basest of men”.


Daniel 4:16-17





Young Azariah, in the heart of the Fiery Furnace, was under no illusions about the character of “Nebuchednezzar” (v. 9): ‘Thou hast given us into the hands of lawless enemies, most hateful rebels, and to an unjust king, the most wicked in all the world’.

And this sentiment is supported also by Daniel 4:17, according to which “Nebuchednezzar” was “the basest of men”.

King Nabonidus - the same person as this “Nebuchednezzar”, according to Part One: - often considered to have been an eccentric king with a penchant for archaeology, was apparently, however, not a man of great civilisation and culture. Unlike the towering figure of Ashurbanipal, a C7th BC king of Assyria, who could boast of being able to read ancient scripts (even before the Flood) and who possessed a magnificent library, Nabonidus could not read, though he was inquisitive. So we read in Paul-Alain Beaulieu’s book, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon, 556-539 B.C. (1989), this later criticism of the king from the Verse Account (p. 215):


He would stand up in the assembly (and) praise him[self]: “I am wise. I am knowledgeable. I have seen hid[den things]. (Although) I do not know the art of writing, I have seen se[cret things]. …”.


Nabonidus was, like “Nebuchednezzar”, an excessively pious man, and highly superstitious. The secret knowledge of which he boasted was what he had acquired through his dreams. Another characteristic that Nabonidus shared with “Nebuchednezzar”. Nabonidus announced (loc. cit.): “The god Ilteri has made me see (dreams), he has made everything kno[wn to me]. I surpass in all (kinds of) wisdom (even the series) uskar-Anum-Enlilla, which Adap[a] composed”.



[A note: Beaulieu gives in a footnote [47.] here, “Oannes Adapa”, “Oannes” being the fish-man thought by some to have been the prophet Jonah himself. I have tentatively identified Jonah with the Rechabite, Jehonadab, the latter part of that name being phonetically close to Adapa. “Prophet Jonah and the Beginnings of a New History. Part Two: Jonah as a Rechabite].



In Beaulieu’s book (pp. 151-152), we read further of King Nabonidus:


“I did not stop going to the diviner and the dream interpreter”.


And of King Nebuchednezzar II - with whom I am also equating Nabonidus - the prophet Ezekiel writes similarly of that king’s omen seeking (21:21): “The king of Babylon now stands at the fork, uncertain whether to attack Jerusalem or Rabbah. He calls his magicians to look for omens. They cast lots by shaking arrows from the quiver. They inspect the livers of animal sacrifices”.

To be fair to Nabonidus, his boastfulness, his illiteracy, and his superstitious tendencies were not peculiar to him alone amongst the ancient kings. He could never have outdone some of the Assyrian kings in their boasting and self-exaltation. And probably most of them could not read. Less common though, perhaps, was his emphasis upon his dreams – a significant factor, too, in the case of Daniel’s “Nebuchednezzar”.


Some Historical Uncertainty Regarding

Nebuchednezzar II, and/or Nabonidus


Now, in the course of my reading and re-reading Beaulieu’s book on King Nabonidus, I have been struck by the uncertainties here and there with determining whether something ought to be attributed to, now Nebuchednezzar II, now Nabonidus. The very same tendency I had encountered in the case of, now Sargon II, now Sennacherib. My resolution of the latter situation had been - as here with Nebuchednezzar II, Nabonidus - to propose a merger, hence:




So the thrust of this present article could likewise be rendered:


‘Babylonian King Nebuchednezzar II, Otherwise Known as Nabonidus’.


Baulieu (pp. 4-5):


Berger and von Soden suggested that another literary composition, originally called by Lambert “Nebuchadnezzar King of Justice” (Lambert 1965), might have been a piece of propaganda commissioned by Nabonidus himself (Berger 1974: 222 n. 51, and von Soden 1983: 63). According to Lambert, who published the text, there are two arguments in favor of Nebuchadnezzar II: the word nagû “region”, which occurs in this text, is attested only in the inscriptions of that king, and a large section of the text, which describes provisions made for the daily use of the gods, recalls a similar passage of the Wadi Brissa inscription of Nebuchadezzar II, with many coincidences of wording. Against Lambert’s argument one should note that the word nagû does occur in the inscription of Adad-Guppi [mother of Nabonidus] …. But the similarities with the Wadi Brissa inscription remain quite conclusively in favor of Nebuchadezzar II. ….  Therefore, as arguments in favor of Nebuchadnezzar II outweigh those in favor of other kings, it would be unwise to use it as a source for the reign of Nabonidus.

[End of quote]


Again, the building efforts of Nabonidus in relation to the wall Imgur-Enlil - but not those of Nebuchednezzar II - are completely overlooked in the Verse Account and the Cyrus Cylinder. (Ibid., pp. 38-39):


… Nabonidus undertook to repair the wall (al-Rawi 1985). Interestingly enough, according to the Verse Account and the Cyrus Cylinder, Cyrus also proceeded to repair the wall Imgur-Enlil shortly after the capture of Babylon, thus completing the fortifications of Nebuchadnezzar II:



[He (Cyrus) took up the earth] basket and completed the wall of Babylon in order to execute [the original plan of] Nebuchadnezzar of his own consent.




I (Cyrus) sought to strengthen the work of the wall Imgur-Enlil, the great wall of Babylon ….


Although these texts do not explicitly state that Nabonidus neglected the fortifications of Babylon, they certainly carry this message indirectly by stressing Cyrus’ eagerness to repair the Imgur-Enlil while ignoring Nabonidus’ own building activities here.


[End of quote]


In articles pertaining to Sargon II, Sennacherib, I have referred to the presumption of Assyriologists in, for instance, inserting the name “Sargon” where it did not originally appear. 

Supposition is rife, too, with regard to the following document (“one can presume that Nebuchadnezzar is mentioned” … “Nabonidus is most likely to be identified as this ruler”). Thus Beaulieu writes (p. 41):


…. This fragment of a clay cylinder was found during the French excavations at Kish, in the surroundings of the Palace …. There is no conclusive evidence that it belongs to an inscription of Nabonidus …. However, since line 3 has lugal maḫ-ri lugal tin. tirki, one can presume that Nebuchadnezzar is mentioned as a predecessor of the king who commissioned the inscription. Nabonidus is most likely to be identified as this ruler.


[End of quote]


And, on the same page, there is reference to another “fragmentary clay cylinder”: “It can be assigned to the Neo-Babylonian period on stylistic grounds. It is usually attributed to Nebuchadnezzar II, though arguments in favor of Nabonidus seem more conclusive …”.

Also, regarding the restoration of the palace near the Šamaš-gate, similar confusion (p. 100):


The inscription is usually ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar, but there is no evidence to support this assumption. In fact, it even seems dubious that Nebuchadnezzar ever restored this palace, since it is never mentioned in those inscriptions of his which contain a list of all the building works he undertook in Babylon …. Therefore there is a strong possibility that the inscription belongs to Nabonidus, as believed by Berger (Berger 1973: 381), although he has no conclusive evidence either. 

[End of quote]


Beaulieu, when discussing “The Evidence From Monumental Texts” (pp. 104-105), will exhibit further presumption when making this startling comment (my emphasis):


The first part reports on the reign of four previous kings, Sennacherib, Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar, and Neriglissar: although neither Sennacherib, nor Nabopolassar, nor Nebuchadnezzar are mentioned by name … there is no doubt from the context that they are meant.


That appears to be a very big leap in ‘faith’!



Part Two (ii):

Golden-Headed Power


In very many ways, it seems, King Nabonidus does reflect the “Nebuchednezzar” of the Book of Daniel. My explanation of this is, however, not that the author of Daniel confused two Chaldean kings, but, rather, that King Nabonidus was Nebuchednezzar II (who was also Daniel’s “Nebuchednezzar”).




The King’s Imperial Ambitions


Our composite biblico-historical Chaldean king was presented in Part Two (i) of this series: as being a base, unjust and highly superstitious monarch. Even the extremely courteous and respectful prophet Daniel, who was most reluctant to reveal to “Nebuchednezzar” the terrible meaning of his dream (Daniel 4:19):


Then Daniel (also called Belteshazzar) was greatly perplexed for a time, and his thoughts terrified him. So the king said, “Belteshazzar, do not let the dream or its meaning alarm you.” Belteshazzar answered, “My lord, if only the dream applied to your enemies and its meaning to your adversaries!”,


had felt constrained, nonetheless, to deliver to the king this reproach (v. 27): ‘Therefore, Your Majesty, be pleased to accept my advice: Renounce your sins by doing what is right, and your wickedness by being kind to the oppressed. It may be that then your prosperity will continue’.

Daniel’s assessment of the king basically reflected that of Daniel’s young compatriot, Azariah: ‘Thou hast given us into the hands of lawless enemies, most hateful rebels, and to an unjust king, the most wicked in all the world’.

I also referred to the fact that historians can tend to conclude that King Nabonidus was an eccentric king with a penchant for archaeology. More than likely, however, his undoubted antiquarian interests would differ from those of the typical modern archaeologist. The proud and superstitious king’s interest in the past may have been due, in large part, to his regarding ancient relics as talismans of power and having propaganda value – just as certain Nazis strove to discover the sacred Spear of Destiny or penetrate to the roots of Aryanism. 

Paul-Alain Beaulieu, in his book, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon, 556-539 B.C. (1989), tells that (p. 5) “… during excavation of the foundations of the Ebabbar [temple at Sippar], an old statue of Sargon of Akkad is found. Nabonidus orders its restoration …”.

Now D. Petrovich has identified Sargon of Akkad with the biblical Nimrod: and there is much of the rise and fall of biblical Babel in the saga of the rise and fall of the proud builder-king “Nebuchednezzar”. On p. 135 Beaulieu informs us that Nabonidus “established an oblation for it [statue of Sargon]” in the Ebabbar, and that this was done, without doubt, “in his second year”. And it was “in the second year of his reign” (Daniel 2:1) that “Nebuchednezzar” dreamed of an “awesome” statue (v. 31): “Your Majesty looked, and there before you stood a large statue—an enormous, dazzling statue, awesome in appearance”.

The highly superstitious king had similarly honoured Daniel after the young Jewish sage had interpreted his first Dream for him (2:46): “Then King Nebuchadnezzar fell prostrate before Daniel and paid him honor and ordered that an offering and incense be presented to him”.

Did the discovery of Sargon’s statue that same year prompt the Dream of “Nebuchednezzar”? And, had it set “Nebuchednezzar” wondering if he might be able to emulate the greatness of the legendary Sargon of Akkad? (V. 29): “As Your Majesty was lying there [in bed], your mind turned to things to come, and the Revealer of mysteries showed you what is going to happen”. This is how Beaulieu interprets the matter of the finding of Sargon’s statue (p. 141):


Another interesting example of Nabonidus’ antiquarian interest is the discovery of the statue of Sargon in Sippar. He may have intended to connect himself with this most prestigious ruler of Mesopotamia’s past …. According to the Royal Chronicle, Nabonidus restored the statue of Sargon because of his “reverence for the gods and (his) respect for kingship”. This statement is crucial, as it provides a unique piece of evidence for assessing the nature of Nabonidus’ antiquarian interest: his restoration of Sargon’s statue was motivated not solely by religious factors, but also by a purely profane interest in the past, particularly in this case where it concerned the first great imperial period in Mesopotamian history. ….

P. 142: “His antiquarian and historical interest may thus be explained from a political angle”.

[End of quotes]


Beaulieu gets to the heart of the ambitious yearnings of King Nabonidus, I think, when he suggests that Nabonidus “considered his own reign a resurrection of a universal empire on the Assyrian and Akkadian model …”.

His affinity for the Assyrians would perhaps make even more sense if Nabonidus were the same as Nebuchednezzar II, who had come to power (c. 605 BC, conventional dating) only about a decade after the Fall of Nineveh (c. 612 BC, conventional dating) – whereas Nabonidus is thought to have begun to rule significantly later, in 556 BC.

Beaulieu writes of the king’s pro-Assyrianism (p. 143):


Nabonidus … calls the Assyrian kings his “royal ancestors” (inscription 15), and considers the sequence of the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian states to be one of imperial continuity (inscription 1 and stela of Adad-Guppi). When … after his return from Teima [Arabia] … he even went one step further  by assuming the titulary of the Assyrian kings in two of his inscriptions (inscriptions 15 and 19) …. His interest in the Sargonic [Akkadian] dynasty, which had always been remembered in literary and historical tradition as the climax of Mesopotamian power, and which undoubtedly inspired the late Sargonid [Neo-Assyrian] kings, can also be explained in the light of his imperial ambitions. In short, Nabonidus considered his own reign a resurrection of a universal empire on the Assyrian and Akkadian model, but centred in Babylon, a project which his predecessors never seemed to have contemplated, or at least one to which they never gave any political expression. ….

[End of quote]


Had not the Jewish sage, Daniel, recently revealed to the king what must have been as music to those egotistical ears: “You are the head of gold”. Thus Daniel informed the king (2:37-38):


‘Your Majesty, you are the king of kings. The God of heaven has given you dominion and power and might and glory; in your hands he has placed all mankind and the beasts of the field and the birds in the sky. Wherever they live, he has made you ruler over them all. You are that head of gold’.


Hardly surprising, then, in light of this, to find Nabonidus early in his third year praying so ambitiously to the god Šamaš (Beaulieu, pp. 144-145):


(O Šamaš), cause the radiance of your … royal brilliance, to march at my side for plundering the land of my enemy. May I overwhelm the country of my foes. May I slay my opponents. May I take booty from my adversaries. May I bring to my country the possession of all lands. I am indeed a king provider who restores the sacred places and completes the (rebuilding of) sanctuaries forever. At the mention of my prestigious name, may all my adversaries be afraid and quiver, may they bow down at my feet, may they pull my yoke for long days, may they bring into my presence their important tribute in my city Babylon.

[End of quote]


Still on p. 145, Beaulieu likens the ambitions of Nabonidus to those of Nebuchednezzar II:


… in two inscriptions written just before the most important military campaign of his reign [to Arabia], Nabonidus made significant references to his imperial policy. Of course, these two passages are not the only examples of their kind: similar ones can be found in the inscriptions of Nebuchednezzar. ….


Indeed, they can.

All, this occurred in the early days of the ambition and power of “Nebuchednezzar”, before his madness and temporary fall from imperial grace.

P. 144: “… Nabonidus put forward an aggressive military policy from the very beginning, and he based his legitimacy to a large extent on the need for Babylonia to be ruled by a man experienced in military matters, which is easily perceived by studying inscription 1”.

And p. 147: “… references to these same regions in inscriptions before the campaign of the third year constitute evidence that Nabonidus had been contemplating the consolidation of the Babylonian power in Lebanon and Transjordan and the conquest of Arabia since his accession year”.

Yet it is wondered why the imperialistic-minded Nabonidus appeared to have done so little militarily in the first three years of his reign.

But simply couple Nabonidus with Nebuchednezzar II, and then we get this (prior to year 4):


[Obv.1] In the twenty-first year [605/604] the king of Akkad [Nabopolassar] stayed in his own land, Nebuchadnezzar his eldest son, the crown-prince,

[Obv.2] mustered the Babylonian army and took command of his troops; he marched to Karchemiš which is on the bank of the Euphrates,

[Obv.3] and crossed the river to go against the Egyptian army which lay in Karchemiš.

[Obv.4] They fought with each other and the Egyptian army withdrew before him.

[Obv.5] He accomplished their defeat and beat them to non-existence. As for the rest of the Egyptian army

[Obv.6] which had escaped from the defeat so quickly that no weapon had reached them, in the district of Hamath

[Obv.7] the Babylonian troops overtook and defeated them so that not a single man escaped to his own country.

[Obv.8] At that time Nebuchadnezzar conquered the whole area of Hamath.

[Obv.9] For twenty-one years Nabopolassar had been king of Babylon,

[Obv.10] when on 8 Abunote[15 August 605.] he went to his destiny; in the month of Ululunote[September.] Nebuchadnezzar returned to Babylon

[Obv.11] and on 1 Ululunote[7 September 605.] he sat on the royal throne in Babylon.

[Obv.12] In the accession year Nebuchadnezzar went back again to the Hatti-land and until the month of Šabatunote[Early 604.]

[Obv.13] marched unopposed through the Hatti-land;  in the month of Šabatu he took the heavy tribute of the Hatti-territory to Babylon.

[Obv.14] In the month of Nisannu{{Spring 604.__ he took the hands of Bêl and the son of Bêl and celebrated the Akitu Festival.

[Obv.15] In the first year of Nebuchadnezzar [604/603] in the month of Simanunote[Late Spring.] he mustered his army

[Obv.16] and went to the Hatti-territory, he marched about unopposed in the Hatti-territory until the month of Kislîmu.note[End 604.]

[Obv.17] All the kings of the Hatti-land came before him and he received their heavy tribute.

[Obv.18] He marched to the city of Aškelon and captured it in the month of Kislîmu.note[End 604.]

[Obv.19] He captured its king and plundered it and carried off spoil from it.

[Obv.20] He turned the city into a mound and heaps of ruins and then in the month of Šabatunote[Early 603.] he marched back to Babylon.

[Obv.21] In the second year [603/602] in the month of Ajarunote[Spring 603.] the king of Akkad gathered together a powerful army and marched to the land of Hatti.

[Obv.22] ...]  he threw down, great siege-towers he [...

[Obv.23] ...] from the month of Ajaru until the mon[th of ...] he marched about unopposed in the land of Hatti.

[Obv.24-27] [Four lines missing]

[Rev.] [Several lines missing]

[Rev.1'] In the third year [602/601] the king of Akkad left and 

[Rev.2'] in the month of [...] on the thirteenth day, [the king's brother] Nabû-šuma-lišir [...]

[Rev.3'] The king of Akkad mustered his troops and marched to the Hatti-land.

[Rev.4'] and brought back much spoils from the Hatti-land into Akkad.


[End of quote]


As we read above: “Nabonidus had been contemplating the consolidation of the Babylonian power in Lebanon and Transjordan and the conquest of Arabia since his accession year”.


Now, also in conformity with the testimony of the Book of Daniel, King Nabonidus is known to have had a notable son called “Belshazzar”, famous for the ‘Writing on the Wall’ incident (Daniel 5). A now-aged Daniel will recall to the mind of this reckless king the almost limitless power and wealth of his father, “Nebuchednezzar”, prior to his bout of madness (vv. 18-20):


‘Your Majesty, the Most High God gave your father Nebuchadnezzar sovereignty and greatness and glory and splendor. Because of the high position he gave him, all the nations and peoples of every language dreaded and feared him. Those the king wanted to put to death, he put to death; those he wanted to spare, he spared; those he wanted to promote, he promoted; and those he wanted to humble, he humbled. But when his heart became arrogant and hardened with pride, he was deposed from his royal throne and stripped of his glory’.


But that was not the end of the story, for as we can read earlier in the Book of Daniel, the king, now greatly humbled, would return to even greater fame and might (4:36-37):


‘At the same time that my sanity was restored, my honor and splendor were returned to me for the glory of my kingdom. My advisers and nobles sought me out, and I was restored to my throne and became even greater than before. Now I, Nebuchadnezzar, praise and exalt and glorify the King of heaven, because everything he does is right and all his ways are just. And those who walk in pride he is able to humble’.




Part Two (iii):

Dreams, Astrologers, a Statue, Wealth




The early career of the Chaldean king, Nabonidus, may be replete with parallel likenesses to that as written about the “Nebuchednezzar” in Daniel chapters 1-5.





Confounding the Astrologers


Despite his superstitious nature the “Nebuchednezzar” of the Book of Daniel - and indeed his alter egos, Nebuchednezzar II/Nabonidus - did not hesitate at times to dictate terms to his wise men or astrologers (2:5-6):


The king replied to the astrologers, “This is what I have firmly decided: If you do not tell me what my dream was and interpret it, I will have you cut into pieces and your houses turned into piles of rubble.  But if you tell me the dream and explain it, you will receive from me gifts and rewards and great honor. So tell me the dream and interpret it for me.”


And so, in the Verse Account, we read too of Nabonidus’ interference in matters ritualistic in the presence of sycophantic officials:  


Yet he continues to mix up the rites, he confuses the hepatoscopic oracles. To the most important ritual observances, he orders an end; as to the sacred representations in Esagila -representations which Eamumma himself had fashioned- he looks at the representations and utters blasphemies.


When he saw the usar-symbol of Esagila, he makes an [insulting?] gesture. He assembled the priestly scholars, he expounded to them as follows: 'Is not this the sign of ownership indicating for whom the temple was built? If it belongs really to Bêl, it would have been marked with the spade. Therefore the Moon himself has marked already his own temple with the usar-symbol!'


And Zeriya, the šatammu who used to crouch as his secretary in front of him, and Rimut, the bookkeeper who used to have his court position near to him, do confirm the royal dictum, stand by his words, they even bare their heads to pronounce under oath: 'Now only we understand this situation, after the king has explained about it!'


[End of quote]


Paul-Alain Beaulieu, in his book, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon, 556-539 B.C. (1989), gives another similar instance pertaining to an eclipse (Col. III 2), likening it also to the action of “Nebuchednezzar” in the Book of Daniel (pp. 128-129):


The scribes brought baskets from Babylon (containing) the tablets of the series enūma Anu Enlil to check (it, but since) he did not hearken to (what it said), he did not understand what it meant.


The passage is difficult, but its general implications are clear. Whether Nabonidus had already made up his mind as to the meaning of the eclipse and therefore refused to check the astrological series, or did check them but disagreed with the scribes on their interpretation, it seems that the consecration of En-nigaldi-Nanna [daughter of Nabonidus] was felt to be uncalled for. This alleged stubbornness of the king is perhaps reflected in the Book of Daniel, in the passage where Nebuchednezzar (i.e. Nabonidus), after having dismissed the plea of the “Chaldeans”, states that the matter is settled for him (Daniel II, 3-5) ….

But this does not imply that Nabonidus was necessarily wrong in his interpretation of the eclipse; on the contrary, all the evidence suggests that he was right. However, he may have “forced” things slightly ….

[End of quote]</